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Compared to NHWs, Hispanics are more likely to reside in areas with increased industrial pollution [ 48 ]. Residence near hazardous waste sites has been positively related to an increase in hospitalization from diabetes [ 49 ]. Occupation The employment rate among Hispanics Hispanics face an increased risk of mortality from some occupational hazards.

These, together with language, are the main manifestations of their culture. First-generation Hispanics meaning they themselves were foreign-born differ from second-generation Hispanics US-born sons or daughters of at least one foreign-born parent in language use, acculturation, diet, and other characteristics which exert differential health effects. For example, second- and third-generation Hispanics have an increased frequency of overweight and obesity when compared to first-generation Hispanics [ 53 ].

Familism is also an important cultural value among Hispanics [ 54 ] and is a source of emotional and financial support that may exert health risk-mitigating effects [ 17 , 55 ]. Though English proficiency and educational level among Hispanics have increased, educational attainment is still low mainly among foreign-born Hispanics [ 57 ].

Hispanics are underrepresented in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics STEM careers [ 58 ], and there is a growing shortage of Hispanic health care professionals [ 59 ]. Between and , the poverty rate among Hispanics in the USA increased 5. By , Additionally, the income-to-poverty ratio, a measure of depth of poverty, showed that 9.

Poverty is high among the youngest and oldest Hispanics. In , 6. Poverty and health care Health care services both influence health and are influenced by health needs. In the USA, health insurance is a key determinant of access to health care services. Hispanics have lower rates of health insurance enrollment than NHWs [ 63 ], a figure that is higher for recent immigrants [ 64 ].

The gap was higher for persons aged 65 and over: 4. When poverty levels were considered, gaps were higher. Among the Hispanic poor under age 65, Among persons aged 65 and over, 7. Gender Health inequalities are heightened among US women, mostly related to social determinants such as unfair paid labor, schooling, and violence. Lower educational attainment has been shown to protect against morbidity, mortality, and depression, although recent research has shown that, among US-born Mexican-American women, higher educational attainment was associated with diabetes [ 67 ].

Hispanic women tend to be more vulnerable to abuse and mistreatment; Hispanic women may suffer lower self-esteem and higher intimate partner violence IPV , with differential rates by country of origin [ 64 ]. Those who recently immigrated to the US—who work in bars or cantinas—were found to be at higher risks of experiencing intimate partner violence, including increased sexual risk behaviors from their primary or non-primary sexual partners [ 68 ]. Self-selection of migrant workers may explain some of the apparent health advantages in the US Hispanic population.

This is also known as the healthy migrant effect [ 69 ]. Given the nature of agricultural work, MSFWs face particular occupational health hazards such as pesticide exposure [ 71 , 72 ], heat exposure [ 73 ], musculoskeletal injuries [ 74 ], respiratory illnesses [ 75 ], skin disorders [ 76 ], eye injuries [ 77 ], food insecurity [ 78 ], and depression [ 79 ]. Undocumented immigrant workers Unauthorized immigration is an important demographic phenomenon in the USA; undocumented immigrant workers play an important role in the US economy.

Although declining, by the number of unauthorized immigrants was estimated at Undocumented migrant workers are employed in substandard, high-risk jobs with risky occupational exposures and very limited or no health insurance [ 81 ]. Risk factors This section presents some of the main risk factors underlying the most important chronic diseases affecting Hispanics in the USA, namely obesity, tobacco smoking, and alcohol intake.

Obesity The obesity epidemic underlies multiple health issues among Hispanics; it is a common denominator in the development of metabolic syndrome, non-alcoholic fatty liver disease NAFLD , diabetes, and cardiovascular disease CVD. In addition, obesity increases the risk for several forms of malignancies [ 53 ].

The Hispanic population in the USA is disproportionately affected by obesity, with Additionally, Hispanics have the highest rates of obesity among American youth ages 2—19 years at Previous data showed that Hispanic children born outside of the USA were less likely to be obese than those born in the USA to immigrant parents [ 85 ]. More recent data demonstrate that foreign-born children of Hispanic immigrants are more likely to be overweight than children of more settled Hispanic immigrants and children of US natives [ 86 ].

The prevalence of obesity is heterogeneous among Hispanic subgroups, though across all subgroups females are more likely to be obese than males. Obesity rates vary from Significant differences in the prevalence of obesity have also been noted between US-born Hispanics Higher degrees of acculturation correspond with greater body weight in all migrant groups to the USA [ 88 ], though this effect is particularly pronounced in Mexican-born individuals [ 89 , 90 ].

Obesity increases the risk for multiple associated health conditions. Obesity indirectly increases the risk of CVD and stroke by increasing the risk of hypertension [ 88 ] and diabetes [ 91 ]. The prevalence of diabetes and hypertension has been demonstrated to rise steadily in Hispanics of all ages with an increasingly elevated body mass index BMI [ 92 ].

Obesity also contributes to metabolic syndrome, which is characterized by insulin resistance. In turn, insulin resistance is a major risk factor for the development of diabetes as well as NAFLD [ 93 ], a condition that disproportionately affects Hispanics and can increase the risk of liver malignancies. Finally, the metabolic syndrome directly promotes the development of atherosclerotic CVD [ 94 ]. The high incidence of obesity in US Hispanics is a multifactorial problem.

Food and beverage marketing for Hispanics in the USA promotes the consumption of low-nutrient, calorie-dense foods and beverages, especially among children [ 20 ]. Low-income Hispanic mothers have been found to engage in highly permissive, indulgent feeding patterns that relate directly to child obesity [ 95 ]. Food insecurity when members of a household experience reduced quality, variety, or desirability of food products has been significantly associated with obesity in low-income Mexican-American women living in California [ 96 ].

On the contrary, it is crucial for the understanding of essentially contested concepts that they always involve a normative dimension which cannot be laid down into fixed principles and guidelines. According to Criley, a conception is also a cluster of norms. However, in contrast to a concept the provided norms are much more concrete, resolving some of the vagueness or conflicts found in concept clusters, even up to the point of stating explicit rules.

We find this observation particularly useful when trying to understand the concept of meaningful research. As we have already seen in the last section, the concept of meaningful research is multi-faceted and highly complex. In their work, researchers are striving for something that cannot be defined conclusively, as meaningful research is an essentially contested concept.

In essence, researchers follow different conceptions of meaningful research, depending on their research area and their personal experience. We would even expect a certain degree of rivalry between groups using different conceptions. Also, individual researchers might switch from one conception to another during their careers. Following the interpretation of Dworkin, encouraging researchers to do meaningful research by invoking the abstract concept hands the responsibility on how to achieve this to the individual researchers.

If a certain conception of meaningful is laid down, though, to describe what high-quality research looks like, then this particular conception is enforced as a standard, pushing researchers into a certain direction. Multidimensionality of meaningful research In a series of studies, meaningful, high-quality, or excellent research is characterized as a multidimensional concept.

In particular, various empirical studies Aksnes and Rip ; Bazeley ; Hug et al. Which of these dimensions of quality or meaningfulness is predominant in a specific assessment of research quality depends of the context of the assessment. Moreover, characterizing the concept of meaningful research as multidimensional implies that it has no abstract meaning detached of the specific dimensions. This characterizing of meaningful research as multidimensional nicely fits within the conceptual framework developed in the previous sections: since meaningful research is essentially contested, researchers in practice adhere to different conceptions of meaningful research, which, in turn, emphasize and deemphasize different dimensions of research quality.

The concept of meaningful research hence becomes meaningless if we abstract from these dimensions. However, characterizing meaningful research as essentially contested also implies that it is more than an umbrella term for the various, often pairwise incompatible dimensions of research quality.

Rather, it entails that researchers following a specific conception of meaningful research must in principle be willing to defend their conception in discussion with others. Or put differently: a researcher who states that they simply follow their conception of meaningful research and does not care about what the community says or thinks about it is no longer involved in the progressive cooperation of doing research.

A conception of meaningful research As a basis for discussion, let us briefly give a, necessarily inconclusive, description of our conception of meaningful research. For a start, we would like researchers to work on questions the answers to which would help solve major problems faced by society. Also, we would like researchers to attempt to solve the really challenging problems and not get sidetracked by minor details that have no or very low impact.

We call such research practically useful. Identifying meaningful with practically useful research would be too narrow, though. It would rule out a lot of fundamental research that helps us gain a deeper understanding of a field. Someone reading about fundamental research of this kind should be intellectually stimulated or conceptually enriched by it.

We call this research stimulating. Ideally, we would like research to be stimulating also for readers from a different research community, otherwise we could end up with closed research communities who develop very esoteric questions that thrill their members but are irrelevant or even unintelligible to the rest of the world.

So, from our point of view, a promising starting point for characterizing meaningful research could be to require that it should be stimulating or practically useful. Note that this description leaves out important dimensions such as ethics according to our characterization, the Manhattan Project or a project on drone warfare would be classified as meaningful , as well as methodology we assume that researchers adhere to sound and scientific methods.

Moreover, recall again that our characterization of meaningful research as practically useful or stimulating should not be misread as an attempt at defining meaningful research. Rather, it should be understood as a starting point for a discussion in which stakeholders should engage continuously. After discussing meaningful research from a theoretical point of view, we now turn to practical aspects of evaluating research, namely the use of metrics, which we view as proxy indicators, and the issues associated with them.

Quantitative metrics as proxy indicators Metrics are quantitative measures used for evaluating work artifacts such as academic publications. We focus on publication- and citation-based metrics, which are very common, see Aagaard et al. We argue that these metrics are proxy indicators—indirect measures—which need to be applied and interpreted carefully, and propose a feedback loop approach. If we are right in characterizing meaningful research as essentially contested, then there cannot be a metric that captures it.

A set of reasonably good proxy indicators is the best we can get. Moreover, proxy indicators target a particular conception instead of measuring the general concept. Trying to explicitly formulate the conception that forms the basis of an indicator adds context and helps in understanding what we are actually measuring. This also brings hidden conflicts between different conceptions into the open, and can be used as a starting point for discussions.

Publication- and citation-based metrics can be weighted based on the type of publication journal article, book chapter, monograph, etc. Different weighting schemes are in use, and a lot has been written about how to implement them fairly, for instance by Aagaard et al. It is plausible for publication and citation-based metrics to be positively correlated with other metrics targeting research quality, and indeed this correlation has been shown to exist, e.

However, that study also showed that while there is a correlation, the bibliometric values they studied did not account for the full variance of the quality ratings assigned by independent peers. Michels and Schmoch have shown that citation counts are generally lower for journals published in non-English languages. In certain areas, such as linguistics and cultural studies, it makes perfect sense to publish in another language, but this does not say anything about the quality of a publication.

Additionally, as Nygaard and Bellanova point out, publication metrics crucially depend on the criteria for deciding what counts as a scientific publication and its value. For example, among computer science researchers conference papers, especially those published in top-tier conferences, are considered to be on par with journal papers, whereas designers and artists are often evaluated by their portfolios and not their publications.

Numerous other studies have complained that bibliometrics do not capture research quality fully or fairly [see Aksnes et al. The considerations above underline that metrics should be chosen and applied carefully. But what does this mean? First, we need to specify what we want to measure. It is very hard to define a metric if the goals we want to achieve are vague and unclear.

For instance, in their report about the development of indicators for research excellence by the European Commission, Ferretti et al. This is not an ideal starting point for choosing or defining metrics. We also have to be aware that often metrics are applied by administrators or scientists rather than bibliometricists.

This is sometimes called citizen bibliometrics Leydesdorff et al. According to Hammarfelt and Rushforth , a considerable number of citizen bibliometricists are aware of the shortcomings, and apply metrics thoughtfully. However, we believe that they could get better operational support, e.

Our recommendation is to evaluate quantitative metrics periodically to ensure they are well chosen to meet requirements, and that they are being applied correctly. This allows us to notice when metric results are wrong and to take corrective action. Proposing a feedback loop raises the question: how do we evaluate proxy indicators against a notion of quality? This implies we need an alternative way of assessing how well given research work matches our conception of research quality. This is difficult; some authors use independent peer review e.

Jarwal et al. Rafols et al. They call this opening up the decision-making process and argue that these indicators should be embedded into an assessment or policy context, so they can be used to interpret the data and not as a substitute for judgment. We believe that such indicators could also be helpful in implementing a feedback loop.

Moreover, we advocate more personal responsibility for researchers, creating space for them to apply their own intellectual judgment. Luhmann states that the two most important concepts making complex social systems feasible are trust and power. In their review on the evolution of performance management, Pulakos et al. When taxpayers have trust in a government and in return are trusted by the government, taxpayers feel more obliged to follow the rules. Additionally, when people have the possibility to participate in a decision process and have some control over the outcomes, they are more willing to accept these decisions and outcomes.

We believe that leveraging intrinsic motivation and allowing researchers to act more independently is the way to go, since demotivating staff will hardly result in meaningful research. Dance reports that a number of academics have already taken matters into their own hands by not joining traditional academia at all or leaving and working as independent researchers.

An analysis of quantitative publication metrics We want to round off our work by taking a closer look at some concrete numbers, i. As two authors belong to the computer science research community, we decided to use the data set provided by the dblp computer science bibliography originally created by Ley , which tracks all major computer science publications.

At the time of writing, dblp indexed over 4. For our analysis, we used a version with citation numbers created for ArnetMiner by Tang et al. Footnote 2 In a first step, we did some exploratory data analysis to get a better feel for the data and to check its consistency.

Figure 1 shows the average and maximum citation counts for papers arranged by year since their publication. The older papers have a higher average citation count, but there is some bias here. First, they have been around longer, which means they had more opportunities to be cited and, second, there are fewer older papers, so outliers have more influence. The different number of papers is also illustrated in the graph for average citation counts: it is very smooth on the left-hand side and gets more and more ragged towards the right, as the number of papers in the denominator used for computing the average decreases with the years.

Additionally, dblp did not collect old papers as systematically as newer ones, so it is likely that only influential old papers made it into the collection. While many papers reach their maximum citation count in the first 10 years after publication, Footnote 3 there is a considerable number of papers that do not. Most evaluation schemes, such as REF and VQR, only look at papers published in the last 5—7 years, though, which means that they may overlook important publications.

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Greg does a great job in explaining everything in details in his website, and links to important tips and tricks are provided inside the spreadsheets. Now a few words about Gregs service, before and after purchasing the TJS: he was very kind and patient chatting live with me when I was deciding whether to purchase it. After purchase, the spreadsheet was delivered immediately via email, with all the necessary instructions.

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It is also a good psychological tool, in that, after any period of drawdown, you can review your journal and see that over a longer period of time your trade plan makes you money. Therefore, you can more easily regain your good trading mind-state and not be paralysed to make decisions or make emotionally distorted bad ones. Also, having talked to Greg Thurman the TJSs developer , I must say he provides very good support for this product.

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Our company paid a programmer to create a trade spreadsheet for internal use and the cost was 30 times more and does not compare to your trade spreadsheet. You can add it to your favorites, but you will only be able to use it after requesting permission and obtaining it from its author. Contact entrypointsystem for more information, or follow the author's instructions below.

In many cases you can find a good open-source alternative for free in our Community Scripts. Disclaimer The information and publications are not meant to be, and do not constitute, financial, investment, trading, or other types of advice or recommendations supplied or endorsed by TradingView. Read more in the Terms of Use. Want to use this script on a chart?

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Red Short label with suggested enter price appear on the chart 2. You can add it to your favorites, but you will only be able to use it after requesting permission and obtaining it from its author. Contact entrypointsystem for more information, or follow the author's instructions below. In many cases you can find a good open-source alternative for free in our Community Scripts. Disclaimer The information and publications are not meant to be, and do not constitute, financial, investment, trading, or other types of advice or recommendations supplied or endorsed by TradingView.

Read more in the Terms of Use. You can take profit once your trade hits the risk to reward ratio. Exit trade in the case of the arrival of a magenta color vertical line, as it forecasts trend change. Example of buy trade with Forex Entry Point indicator. Sell Trade with Forex Entry Point Sell entry signal occurs after the appearance of a magenta color vertical line. Set your Stop Loss above the last swing high of the market. Exit trade in the case of the arrival of an aqua color vertical line, as it forecasts trend change.

Example of sell trade with Forex Entry Point indicator. The above instructions were just basic usage. To increase credibility you can use it in a combination of different forex approaches like candlestick patterns, trend channels, breakouts, etc. As always, to achieve good results, remember about proper money management.

To be a profitable trader you need to master discipline, emotions, and psychology. It is crucial to know when to trade, but also when not to trade. Now go to the left side of your MT4 terminal.